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PCD Journal

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Published by Universitas Gadjah Mada

ISSN : 20850433 EISSN : 20850441 DOI : 10.22146/pcd

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Articles 7 Documents

Search results for , issue "Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Post-Clientelistics Elections" : 7 Documents clear

Programmatic Goods, Populist Program Funding and Key Victory Incumbent In Pilkada Kulon Progo, DIY Harjanta, Sri Lestari
PCD Journal Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Post-Clientelistics Elections
Publisher : Universitas Gadjah Mada

This research examines how the Good Programmatic is made up to work to win the candidate in the 2017 election. In addition, this research tries to dissect the involvement of BUMDs and the private sector in financing the candidates' campaign by hijacking government programs. Accidentally or not, Programatic Good by incumbent candidates is wrapped up in a populist program. The home surgery program and other populist programs in Kulon Progo Regency indirectly became the 'engine' of the victory of the couple Hasto Wardoyo-Sutedjo in the 2017 Pilkada.

Contesting â€˜Deforestationâ€™: Civil Society Movements and Knowledge Co-Production in Indonesia Hapsari, Maharani
PCD Journal Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Post-Clientelistics Elections
Publisher : Universitas Gadjah Mada

This article explains the emergence of civil society movements around deforestation issue in Indonesia as contestation over knowledge claims that defines â€˜deforestationâ€™ as a political term. The term â€˜deforestationâ€™, which is translated into â€˜perusakan hutanâ€™ in Indonesian forestry laws and regulation, is a product of political epistemology that serve the needs to sustain state-reinforced developmentalism. It is imposed by valorization of modern scientific and technocratic values as well as bureaucratization of the forestry sector. Engaging with critical political ecology literatures, this study unpacks the constitutive interactions among various ways of seeing that redefine state forestry and its implications to the reproduction of political order. â€˜Perusakan hutanâ€™ is continuously re-negotiated in the relations between the state and its formative societal elements. Knowledge on addressing deforestation is organized around three contesting epistemologies: conservation, redistribution, and indigeneity. Each epistemology seeks to claim political space in the institutionalization of knowledge that fortifies stateâ€™s policies in the forestry sector. Politics of knowledge co-production operates at two levels: between hegemonic knowledge construct and its counter knowledge formation, and within the formation of counter-knowledge through alternative epistemologies.Â

Use of Charitable Alms (Zakat) by Incumbent Candidates in Regional Elections in Indonesia (Two Case Studies) Triantini, Zusiana Elly; Masnun, Masnun
PCD Journal Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Post-Clientelistics Elections
Publisher : Universitas Gadjah Mada

This article seeks to expose incumbents' tendencies and strategies in using charitable alms (zakat) in regional elections in two areas. Strategies identified include determining binding regulations regarding the use of zakat money, as well as the positioning of persons considered loyal and strategic to incumbents within the leadership structures of zakat institutions. Meanwhile, incumbents worked to integrate and interconnect government programmes with local zakat distribution agencies and attracting public sympathies through the sharing of zakat funds. Incumbents benefit from their power and legitimacy, and can thus easily use zakat funds as an economic resource for gathering the support of zakat recipients (mustahiq[1]). With their power and legitimacy, incumbents are able to claim credit and thus enjoy greater popularity in their re-election campaigns. This power and legitimacy, as well as its benefits, are managed strategically and intelligently to avoid giving the impression of illegality and ease social acceptance. The findings of this research are opposite to those of Samantha May; where May has found that state dominance and control of zakat has met widespread resistance, this research has found that state dominance and control of zakat has not only been well-received by society, but has also had implications for politicians' role in zakat management and distribution. This research, conducted through observation and interviews with zakat distributors/recipients, indicates how clientelism is formed through the government zakat distribution agency (Badan Amil Zakat, 'Zakat Distribution Agency'), the structural/instrumental approaches used by incumbents, and the response of zakat recipients. This article takes two elections in two regions as case studies: Kulon Progo in the 2017 regional election and Magelang Regency in the 2013 regional election.

Reconsidering the Stigma of Political Opportunism Among the Kiai: A Critique of the Modernist Perspective Suswanta, Suswanta
PCD Journal Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Post-Clientelistics Elections
Publisher : Universitas Gadjah Mada

This study is rooted in a deep dissatisfaction with research that stigmatises the political activities of kiai as opportunist. Using an empirical basis, this article examines the political activities of the kiai during the internal conflicts of the Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB, National Awakening Party), hoping to show that the political activities of kiai are not opportunistic. Bourdieu's theory of social practice, with its conceptual framework (i.e. habitus, field, and capital) is borrowed to examine the political activities of kiai. This article presents qualitative research using an emic approach. Data was collected through in-depth interviews, observations, and document studies. This study finds that the political activities of the kiai during the PKB's internal conflicts were not opportunistic but rather a social praxis, unique in its representation of dialectic between the kiai's symbolic capital within the PKB and their application of their pesantren habitus and the Islamic value of Ahlusunnah wal jamaah (Aswaja). Politics, as viewed by the kiai, is a tool for realising truth and justice (Iqomatul Haq wal 'adl). They attempted to create balance by applying their pesantren habitus in political life to ensure that the PKB continued to follow the values of Aswaja Islam. The kiai, who had previously supported Gus Dur in the PKB's first internal conflict, became critical and shifted their support to Alwi Shihab during the PKB's first internal conflict, advising Gus Dur to control his ego, position himself correctly, and be consistent in his speech and actions while leading and administering the PKB.Â

The Money that Never Sleeps: Bureaucratic Movement and Vote Buying Dynamics in Bolaang Mongondow, North Sulawesi Stevano Agustinus Sumampouw, Nono
PCD Journal Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Post-Clientelistics Elections
Publisher : Universitas Gadjah Mada

Financial gifts have been an important, albeit not the only, factor in gathering voter support during regional elections in Indonesia. This article seeks to explore the 'dawn attacks' (serangan fajar) of vote buying in Bolaang Mongondow Regency, a practice that is socially required to gain votes during regional elections. Furthermore, this article explores how vote buying through personal finances and bureaucratic mobilisation has become a dominant factor in regional elections, far more important than institutional resources and conservative political instruments such as political parties. Despite Bolaang Mongondow being a region expected to offer little political and economic potential for vote buying at a massive scaleâ€”this regency is far from the national political mainstream, and most residents live quite prosperous and could fulfil their basic needsâ€”these 'dawn attacks' have continued on a massive scale during regional elections. Furthermore, this article explains the context, background, and rationale underlying the practice of vote buying as well as the main actors involved. This article also offers an empirical comparative and theoretical perspective regarding vote buying.

â€œExtractive Industry, Policy Innovations, and Civil Society Movement in Southeast Asia: An Introductionâ€ Surya Wardhani, Indah
PCD Journal Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Post-Clientelistics Elections
Publisher : Universitas Gadjah Mada

Said innovative policy and influencing movements, the circumstance of governing natural resources has been changing in the last decade. Along with the wave of democratization in the late 1990s, the global norms of transparency and accountability reach new leverage today, including in Southeast Asia. The norms ignite the active participation of civil societies in controlling extractive governance â€“ a praxis that never been occurred in two or three decades ago. Meanwhile, the governments require people active participation to advance people trust and political legitimation.Innovative policy and influencing movements stand at the central argumentations of this book. Perceive as an introduction, this book denotes contributions on the extractive industry governance by using the lenses of civil society movements to acquaint intricacy of the sectors. There is a â€œresource curseâ€ or paradox of plenty refers to the paradox that countries with an abundance of natural resources tend to have less economic growth and worse development outcomes. Therefore, the civil engagement has been perceived as a tool to ensure the benefit of extractive industries run for the greatest benefit of the people, as well as mitigates the risk and undesirable impacts of the extractive operations.Throughout the selected articles, the book addresses on how civil societies engage in the extractive industries governance and through what mechanisms. Instead of outlining resource revenues management as the crucial aspects to be monitored by the citizens, this book rather highlights political perspective to challenge conventional understanding that extractive industries are pure â€“ exclusively â€“ economic affairs. The analysis convinces that extractive industry is highly political since they draw elites into the core decision-making. The high intensity of money and high technology within sectors subsequently renders those activities beyond the reach of the public. Thus, strong civil societies with the active participation are required to undermine oligarch notions and miss use power of the extractive sectors.The discussion of civil society engagements in this book is divided into process and results. The selected cases depict experiences from the local, national, and transnational contexts enrich the discussion and provide civil society movements in a broader sense. The multi-governance perspectives are used to picture the multiple factors enabling the movements, including various challenges and opportunities for the engagements. The elaboration on the bookâ€™s content will become the entry point to the more critical discussion in the subsequent of this review.

The Indonesian Family Welfare Guidance Programme (PKK) and the Revitalisation of Corporatist state organisations: A Case Study of the Mobilisation of Support for Dewanti Rumpoko in the 2017 Batu Municipal Election Fadzryl Adzmy, Muhammad; Disyacitta, Fikri
PCD Journal Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Post-Clientelistics Elections
Publisher : Universitas Gadjah Mada

This article is intended to explore the use of the Family Welfare Guidance Programme (Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Keluarga, PKK) in the Municipality of Batu by one candidate as a means of mobilising political support during the 2017 municipal election. Within the current democratic climate, it is interesting to examine how the PKK, as a state corporate organisation that should ideally remain politically neutral, can be exploited to mobilise political support. The main argument of this article is that several factors, including deep-rooted hierarchies, top-down instruction, and clientelism enabled the PKK to be exploited by the incumbent in her mobilisation of political support. To sidestep the principle of neutrality and support the incumbent, PKK cadres used various means during the municipal election. The data for this article was collected using the qualitative approach, with in-depth interviews and participatory observation over the course of the Batu municipal election (Januaryâ€“February 2017).

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